Farming Magazine - June, 2009
COLUMNS
Opinion: Spin Doctors
By Patrick Maxwell
We have been saturated
these past months with gloomy statistics relevant to our economic crisis.
When I think of mathematicians, my mind’s eye, however prejudiced,
conjures sturdy men in permanent press slacks and sensible women in
knee-length skirts, their movements and manners measured and deliberate.
They labor as actuaries at insurance companies, calculate launch windows
for satellites at the Jet Propulsion Lab and govern the fate of a fair
number of farms across America.
Govern the fate of what?
Statistics is the science of the systematic
collection, organization and mathematical analysis of information in order
to present and/or interpret it in significant and diverse ways. To be fair,
a statistician must master substantially more than mathematics, but, when
all is said and done, it’s always the numbers we remember, not the
process. There’s another component of statistics, a method of
presenting only selected slices of data from the loaf prepared by the
statistician or presenting the intact loaf on either a gilded platter or a
moldy peel to change minds or empower agendas. This is called spin. Spin
has reached epidemic prop ortions in our world culture, embellishing and
modifying our perception of nearly everything from warfare and economics to
sports and relationships. The word is used as a noun and a verb, and a
person who spins particularly well is called a spin doctor, the best of
whom invariably end up as White House press secretaries or spokespersons
for oil or tobacco conglomerates.
For example: Let’s use unemployment figures from
1933 and 2008. In 1933, 13.5 million workers, nearly 25 percent of the work
force, were unemployed. On a particular day in 2008, 11.6 million
workers—about 7.6 percent of the total—were out of a job. If
I’m the secretary of labor and the administration tells me no more
money will be allocated for extending unemployment benefits, I might spin
these statistics in a positive way by saying Labor Department statistics
out today show that the percentage of unemployed workers is less than a
third of what it was in the depths of the Great Depression. On the other
hand, if I’m a columnist for The New York Times and I want to
underscore the bleak state of the economy, I could write that the swelling
number of unemployed workers in the United States is fast approaching, and
could soon surpass, the 13.5 million in 1933. The confusion is caused by
failing to emphasize that the work force being analyzed had nearly tripled
during the 75 years between the calculations. Still, both statements are
based on the same statistics and are factually correct; yet—excluding
an analysis such as this—it’s unlikely you’d ever see
them in the same paragraph.
Naturally, agriculture is not immune to this process
of spin that spawns seemingly conflicting statements from the same bed of
statistics. The release in February of the 2007 Census of Agriculture
presented the media with some quick facts to aid in any rushes to judgment
that might be needed. Tables under the economics tab on the census home
page revealed market value of farm products up 28 percent, government
payments up 22, farm-related income up 79 percent and net cash income up a
whopping 84 percent since 2002. No news anchorperson would resist spouting
those tender morsels, and most urban consumers would eat them right up
without validating the ingredients. And, those seemingly innocuous numbers
will probably end up playing a major role in shaping farm policy in the new
Obama administration, their arrival coinciding with huge projected budget
deficits due to legacy debt and freshly passed bills for economic stimuli.
While Obama had already pledged to target farm subsidies and direct
payments for big cuts long before his actual election, these figures will
certainly increase the President’s clout as he prepares to battle
with Congress. Predictably, accounts in every type of media related to
wealthy farmers and nonfarmers alike feeding at the USDA pig trough have
increased exponentially.
Meanwhile, a significant number of farmers who are
struggling with their finances are trying to reconcile those same
statistics with what’s really going on in their own barns and fields.
They could download the entire census and use the searchable database to
tease out statistics that reflect their atypical private misery, but,
apparently the USDA itself is not insensitive to the fact that aggregate
statistical analysis of farms can be misleading or, at the very least,
imprecise. While reading a periodic report prepared by the Economic
Research Service (ERS) of the USDA titled “Structural and Financial
Characteristics of U.S. Farms: 2004 Family Farm Report,” I found
chapter two, “Farm Household Income, Farm Structure and Off-Farm
Work” by Erik O’Donoghue and Robert A. Hoppe, who are frequent
contributors to this report. Using data collected for 1997 through 2001,
the authors presented a buffet of charts and tables that revealed financial trends in farm household income infinitely more
specific than a 20-second sound bite the nightly news could ever hope to
offer. Just as important as the tables and charts was the text of the
report, which explained how some figures in a particular table might not
have accurately reflected current trends due to gross mathematical
averaging, and then the authors were likely to recast the table using more
specific parameters to show how profoundly the results can vary when you
don’t stir everything into the same pot.
Just to be sure, though, sometimes the best way to get
a point across is to exaggerate conditions to an absurd level. Suppose we
consider the yearly net cash incomes of five fictitious farmers. Two of the
farmers had a net loss of $20 each in farm income, one broke even at zero,
one came ahead $40 and the fifth netted $800,000. Statistical analysis
declares the mean (or average) net income to be $160,000 per farmer in this
case. As you might imagine, farmers one, two, three and four would likely
reject that notion, and, who knows? Number five might be insulted as well,
having his success so misrepresented. So,
let’s compute what’s said to be the more precise statistical
measure: the median income of the five farmers. The median calculates the
middle value in a distribution of numbers, above and below, which there
exists an equal number of values. The median net income for the five
farmers is zero dollars: two of the farmers make less than zero dollars and
two make more than zero. While this calculation is more accurate for more
of the farmers sampled, it hardly reflects the true situation on the
ground.
The report by O’Donoghue and Hoppe, which is far
narrower and easier to digest to make my case than the 2007 census,
certainly didn’t reveal gross misrepresentations like my example, but
it is a convenient showcase for how aggregate or individual statistics
plucked out of context and spun by journalists or politicians could have a
thoroughly altered effect. A crucial aspect of this report was the division
of farms into seven family farm typology groups. The first five groups are
categorized as small family farms and the first three of those five concede
that farming is not their principle occupation. These are limited resource farms, retirement farms and residential/lifestyle farms. The remaining two groups of small family farms are listed as farm
occupation/low sales and farm occupation /high sales. The sixth group is
large family farms and the seventh is very large family farms. (For the
record, the 2007 census often uses these same seven groups plus an eighth:
nonfamily farms. The 2007 census is the first farm census to try to
extensively count the first three groups of small farms, farms on which
farming is not the principle occupation. As a result, 2007 census farm
counts are not directly comparable to earlier years.) To show how small
changes in what a statistical sample considers can modify the results, i
used a chart from the report that tracked how the change in mean off-farm
income of selected commodity groups ranged from slight to drastic just by
adding or subtracting the residential/lifestyle farm group. At an average
of $86,947 for all farm commodities in 2001, the residential/ lifestyle
group had by far the highest average off-farm income in the report.
However, o’donoghue and hoppe showed with their graph that that
group, because they were part-time farmers,
engaged disproportionately in different types of farming according to how
much time was required. Thus, if you consider raising cattle, which is one
of the most convenient part-time farm types where residential/lifestyles
are 48 percent of the total, mean off-farm income rises from about $32,000
if they are left out of the equation to just over $60,000 if you factor
them in. Talk about the tail wagging the dog. On the other hand, if you
consider dairy farming, with its huge time and labor commitment where the
residential/ lifestyles make up only 7 percent of the total, their off-farm
riches only bump the mean from about $18,000 when they’re not
factored in to $20,000 when they are.
I can only hope that these examples will encourage
anyone who reads or hears a statistic that just doesn’t seem logical
to be more skeptical, to analyze how the statistic was calculated and by
whom, and to especially reflect on who delivered it and in what arena .
And, if I’m really lucky, perhaps I’ve helped some farmers
realize that they’re not really just average after all.
The author, a new contributor to Farming, is a lifelong farmer and
occasional writer from Newport, N.Y.